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Section
4
Trade and Empire in Africa
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In Africa, as in Asia, Europeans
initially encountered well-organized and powerful states with which
they could establish trade relations. At first such trade centered
on gold, ivory, and other luxury items. However, as Europeans began
to establish plantation economies in the Americas, the slave trade
in West Africa became the centerpiece of European and African
cultural interaction.
Trade and Empire in West Africa
During
their great age of overseas exploration, Europeans first made
landfall in Africa. Here the Portuguese traded as they advanced down
the coast in search of gold and the route to Asia. Local African
traders found the Portuguese trade goods highly desirable. In
exchange, they offered gold, ivory, and slaves. At first the
Portuguese were less interested in the slaves than in the gold and
ivory. As they began to grow sugar in the Atlantic islands, however,
the Portuguese increasingly became interested in African slaves for
labor.
With the discovery of the Americas and the establishment of
plantations, the market for slaves grew rapidly, eventually becoming
more important than the gold trade. As competing Europeans from
England, France, the Netherlands, and Denmark established their own
coastal bases, the flow of Africans across the Atlantic dramatically
increased. This Atlantic
slave trade[lxiv]
soon dominated all relations between Europe and western Africa.
War, technology, and the slave trade. The
Atlantic slave trade was in many ways simply an extension of the
internal traffic in slaves already widespread in much of Africa. The
usual means of obtaining slaves in African societies was through
warfare or raiding. Particularly as African states rose to power by
conquering their neighbors, the many wars they generated produced
large numbers of slaves.
New methods of warfare in West Africa in the 1400s and 1500s
contributed significantly to the formation of states and the
building of empires, and so also to the development of the slave
trade. The most important of these innovations came first from the
Islamic north. Muslims introduced cavalry into West Africa. With
cavalry, many new states began to emerge in the savanna lands along
the desert’s edge, and elsewhere where the terrain was suitable
for horses. The state of Bornu, around Lake Chad, soon imported guns
and mercenaries from the Ottoman Empire to help its expansion.
To the southwest of Bornu, Oyo imported horses from the Sudan
and created a powerful cavalry that allowed it to dominate other
Yoruba groups all the way south to the coast until the mid-1800s.
Farther west, Dahomey, a subordinate state of Oyo, adopted the same
cavalry warfare and eventually established its own rule down to the
coast. Throughout the 1600s and 1700s, Oyo and Dahomey sent huge
numbers of slaves southward to the coast for sale.[lxv]
Between 1680 and 1740, for example, Dahomey sent about 20,000 slaves
a year for sale along the so-called
Slave Coast.
European influences. While
Dahomey and Oyo owed their rise to developments coming from the
Islamic north and east, other peoples rose to power as a consequence
of the European presence on the African coast. In the 1600s, for
example, the Akan people settled in the region centered on
present-day Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) and Ghana.[lxvi]
Akan merchants traded gold, textiles, slaves, and salt to peoples
farther north. The arrival of Europeans caused the slave trade to
become more important than the gold trade. By 1726 a confused
English visitor could remark: "Why this is called the Gold
Coast, I do not know."[lxvii]
Trade with the Europeans also strongly influenced Akan
political and social organization. The introduction of new crops
from the Americas, including corn and new types of yams, led to
population growth in the 1500s and 1600s.[lxviii]
Equally important was the introduction of new weapons, particularly
guns. One Akan group,
the Asante, purchased guns with gold and slaves and used them to
conquer their neighbors all the way to the coast. Wealthy Asante
kings ruled until the 1800s, and long continued to provide slaves
for the coastal trade.
Just as Native North American Indians adapted themselves to
the fur trade, many Africans took advantage of the European arrival
to become intermediaries, or middlemen controlling the slave trade
in the African interior. Both Oyo and Dahomey, for example, once
they were established, became increasingly oriented toward producing
slaves for the European trade. This growing dependence on the slave
trade had important and often devastating effects. Even when they
were not at war, many African rulers organized raiding expeditions
to continue supplying slaves for the trade. Olaudah Equiano, born in
Benin and kidnapped into slavery around 1745, described the wars
caused by the slave trade:
“They appear to have been irruptions [raids] of one little
state or district on the other to obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps
they were incited to this by those [African] traders who brought the
European goods . . . amongst us. Such a mode of obtaining slaves in
Africa is common. . . . When a trader wants slaves he applies to a
chief for them and he tempts him with his wares. It is not
extraordinary if on this occasion he yields to the temptation.”[lxix]
The Kongo Empire.
Along the central regions of the western coast, the initial
Portuguese contacts had even more dramatic consequences. The Kongo
kingdom of Central Africa, for example, at first welcomed European
trade and influence. When the Portuguese first arrived in the late
1400s, Kongo was at the height of its power.[lxx]
As in most African states, slavery was a common practice.
In the early 1500s the Kongo ruler Nzinga Mbemba—a Catholic
convert who took the name Afonso I—established Catholicism as the
kingdom’s official religion, and encouraged missionaries from
Portugal to spread Christianity. As the Portuguese became
increasingly interested in the Kongo as a major source of labor for
their sugar plantations, however, Afonso began to complain about
their behavior. Afonso was particularly alarmed by the Portuguese
tendency to seize people without regard to their status. In 1526 he
wrote to the Portuguese monarch, urging his "royal
brother"[lxxi]
to stop the traffic in slaves:
“We cannot reckon how great the damage is, since the . . .
[slave] merchants daily seize our subjects, sons of the land and
sons of our noblemen and vassals and our relatives. . . . Thieves
and men of evil conscience take them . . . and cause them to be
sold: and so great, Sir, is their corruption . . . that our country
is being utterly depopulated.”[lxxii]
The
Portuguese paid little heed to the request, and the depopulation
continued.
Conflict in East and South Africa
While
the slave trade increasingly shaped European relations with Africans
on the western coast, in East Africa a different pattern emerged.
Once they arrived in the Indian Ocean, the Portuguese tried to
establish their own control over the region’s trade. They began by
taking cities along the east African coast. However, they were never
strong enough to seize full control of the region. In addition,
although trade in slaves flourished in East Africa, it remained
minor compared to the more important trade in gold, ivory, and other
goods.
The Portuguese were most successful in tapping the trade of
the strong African state, whose rulers were known as the Mwene
Mutapa, which had emerged in the Zambezi River Valley, north of the
old empire of Greater Zimbabwe.[lxxiii]
Organizing the trade from his rich agricultural lands and mines to
the coast, the Mwene Mutapa commanded tribute from all traders in
his lands as well as from his subjects. The arrival of Portuguese
traders in the early 1500s soon weakened the empire, however.
Within a half century, the Portuguese had involved themselves
in rebellions of local rulers against the emperor. In 1629 the
Portuguese negotiated a treaty with a new emperor they had helped
bring to power. The treaty gave the Portuguese a monopoly of trade
in the empire, and the ruler was ordered to pay the Portuguese
tribute. Soon, however, the weakened Mwene Mutapa was challenged by
a rival dynasty and Portuguese influence declined.
Farther north along the coast, the Portuguese position was
even weaker. In the 1640s the Muslim Ya'rubi dynasty of Oman, along
the south Arabian coast, set out to drive their Portuguese
competitors from the Indian Ocean once and for all.[lxxiv]
In 1650 the Omanis formed an alliance with the Swahili city-states
in East Africa. Combining forces, they began to drive the Portuguese
from their coastal forts. By the mid-1700s, although they retained a
foothold in present-day Mozambique, Portugal was no longer a major
East African power. In their place, Muslim merchants once again
controlled most of the coastal trade – as well as dominating the
slave trade in the interior.
Portugal’s weakness soon invited other competitors to
establish themselves in Africa and the Indian Ocean region. As part
of their infiltration of the Portuguese trading empire in Asia, the
Dutch also decided to obtain a foothold on the African coast. In
1652 the Dutch East India Company founded the first permanent
European colony in sub-Saharan Africa when it settled the Boers at
the Cape of Good Hope.[lxxv]
Nomadic Khoi and San peoples, who herded animals and fished,
sparsely populated the area. Within a decade the Boers had settled
in as landowners, forcing labor from the local African peoples and
importing slaves from other regions. Increasingly uneasy under
company control, however, eventually many Boers migrated into the
interior. There they established themselves on the land just as
other European settlers were doing in North America.
Author Commentary:
African and European Slavery
Africans
had long practiced slavery before European traders arrived. African
slavery included a wide range of relationships, from voluntary
service to the enforced captivity of prisoners of war. The way in
which slaves were acquired determined the way they could be treated.
In most African societies, slaves that had been bought or captured
in war were considered to have no rights at all. They were often
used as plantation labor, or even, in some societies, used as human
sacrifices. Those born into slavery, on the other hand, were usually
considered a part of the local community, with certain rights and
obligations.
Some African communities allowed slaves to buy back their
freedom, or granted it in cases of exceptional service. Sometimes
slaves could rise to positions of prominence in society. According
to one African proverb, "A slave who knows how to serve
succeeds to [inherits] his master's property."[lxxvi]
In Muslim states particularly, slaves had guaranteed rights under
Islamic law, such as the right to marry and to own property.
Europeans too had long practiced slavery, particularly in the
Mediterranean region. During the Renaissance period, Italian
merchants bought, transported, and sold European slaves from Black
Sea ports. In the 1500s and 1600s, many European slaves were sold in
Bristol, England, to work in the sugar plantations of the Caribbean.
While Islam and some traditional African societies recognized slaves
as human beings with certain rights, most Europeans considered them
little more than property, like work animals, to be bought and sold
for their labor, with practically no rights at all.[lxxvii]
Such attitudes especially prevailed where non-Christian slaves were
concerned. As a result, although the institution of slavery was
familiar to them, most Africans shipped to the Americas were
probably not prepared for the realities of slavery in their New
World.
The Middle Passage
The
Atlantic slave trade was a vital link in the growing chain of trade
binding Africa, the Americas, and Europe. European merchants shipped
iron and cotton goods, weapons, and liquor to Africa, where they
were exchanged for slaves or gold. African slaves were then
transported across the Atlantic to the Americas. On American
plantations and in mines, the slaves became the prime producers of
goods sold throughout the world. Brazilian merchants shipped
slave-grown tobacco to Africa to buy more slaves. At the same time,
other merchants shipped tobacco, sugar, rum, and cotton produced by
slave labor to Europe, where they bought manufactured goods to sell
in the Americas.[lxxviii]
Before they could be forced to labor in the Americas, the
enslaved Africans had to survive the long and brutal journey across
the Atlantic known as the Middle
Passage. Chained together on crude platforms between decks, many
did not survive. Supplies of food and water were often inadequate
and contaminated by bacteria—the consequent dysentery was a major
cause of death on long voyages. Measles and smallpox epidemics also
frequently broke out. One British captain warned a colleague to
avoid having the slaves “sicken and die apace, as it happened
aboard the Albion frigate,
as soon as their yams were spent.”[lxxix]
Some slaves mutinied to gain their freedom. Others
voluntarily chose death. After a rumor circulated that the captives
"were first to have their Eyes put out, and then to be
eaten," more than 100 slaves on the British ship Prince
of Orange jumped overboard in 1737. According to the captain,
more than 33 drowned because they
“would not endeavor to save themselves, but resolved to
die.”[lxxx]
Despite the death rate, at the height of the trade between 1741 and
1810, European slavers, mostly British by that time, carried an
average rate of about 60,000 slaves a year, the majority of them
young men. Although estimates vary, recent studies indicate that
around 10 million Africans were forcibly taken across the Atlantic
between 1451 and 1870.[lxxxi]
Once ashore in the Americas, the slaves fared no better. A
Jesuit priest in Cartagena, a busy port in Spanish America,
described a group of slaves just off a ship:
“They arrive looking like skeletons; they are led ashore,
completely naked, and are shut up in a large court or enclosure . .
. and it is a great pity to see so many sick and needy people,
denied all care or assistance, for as a rule they are left to lie on
the ground, naked and without shelter.”[lxxxii]
The
slaves were next led to the auction block, where a crowd of
prospective buyers could examine them, like livestock.
Consequences of the Slave Trade
The
forced migration of millions of Africans to the Americas through the
slave trade has been called the African
diaspora. Through this diaspora, or dispersal, African culture
took firm root throughout the Americas, as slaves and free blacks
became integral members of the new American societies. Brazilian
Africans, for example, mixed with the Portuguese and Native
Americans and created a thriving hybrid culture. Food preparation, samba
music, dances, folk tales, and child-rearing practices reflected
African influences.[lxxxiii]
Africans also influenced politics. In the early 1600s a group of
African runaways formed their own state, called Palmares in
northeastern Brazil. For almost a century, the village residents of
Palmares fought off Brazilian troops and maintained their
independence.
In the cities of Spanish America, Africans quickly adapted to
Spanish culture. At the same time, they kept memories of their home
kingdoms alive by forming self-help organizations, including
religious brotherhoods and neighborhood associations with locally
elected "royal" leaders.[lxxxiv]
In the Caribbean, Africans far outnumbered European settlers.
Conditions on sugar plantations were often harsh, with disease,
overcrowding, brutal discipline, and poor diets leading to high
mortality rates. Sometimes Africans were able to resist. In Jamaica,
for example, Cudjoe, the leader of a group of runaways, raided
English plantations until his group was granted its own territory in
1739.[lxxxv]
In North America, too, Africans contributed their own
heritage to the newly emerging colonial society. Although those in
northern colonies tended to adapt to English culture, Africans on
southern plantations maintained many of their own traditions. For
example, African languages influenced the Gullah and Geechee
dialects of South Carolina, Georgia, and northeastern Florida.
Africans also brought with them African techniques for growing rice,
indigo, and cotton. Many African cultural forms, such as their rich
tradition of folk tales and songs, became an integral part of an
emerging American culture.[lxxxvi]
Section 4 Review
IDENTIFY and
explain the significance of the following:
Atlantic
slave trade
Slave
Coast
Olaudah
Equiano
Nzinga
Mbemba
Middle
Passage
African
diaspora
LOCATE and explain the importance of the following:
Côte
d’Ivoire
Ghana
Benin
Oyo
Dahomey
Zimbabwe
Cape
of Good Hope
1.
Main Idea How did slavery in the
Americas differ from slavery in Africa?
2.
Main Idea How did the slave trade
intensify violence in Africa?
3.
Geography: Location
Why do you think most of the African slave trade originated
in West Africa and Central Africa?
Chapter Review
Reviewing Terms
From
the following list, choose the term that correctly matches the
definition.
Battle
of Lepanto
captaincies
African
diaspora
encomienda
Northwest
Passage
Middle
Passage
1.
naval engagement in 1571
fought between the Ottoman Empire and the Spanish and Italians, in
which the Ottoman fleet was destroyed
2.
tracts of land granted by
the Portuguese king to donataries in Brazil
3.
supposed trade route,
thought by Europeans to exist across North America to the East
Indies
4.
sea voyage transporting
slaves from Africa to the Americas, on which the Africans suffered
terribly
5.
system of organization in
the Spanish colonies of the Americas, under which colonists were
given land and a number of Native Americans to use as laborers
Reviewing
Chronology
List
the following events in their correct chronological order.
1.
Spanish conquistadors
conquer the Aztec.
2.
Pedro Cabral discovers
Brazil.
3.
British colonists found
the settlement at Jamestown, Virginia.
4.
The Portuguese are allowed
to establish a trading station at the Chinese port of Macao.
5.
The Dutch establish their
first colony in Asia at Batavia.
Understanding the Main Idea
1.
Why were Europeans able to
increase their power in India by the 1700s?
2.
How did the Spanish and
Portuguese organize their colonies in the New World?
3.
Why did Japan and China
seek to limit contact with Europeans?
4.
What were the ultimate
results of Europeans' search for the Northwest Passage?
5.
What pattern did Europeans
follow in their trade in Asia?
Thinking
Critically
1.
Hypothesizing. What
possible problems might overseas trade and colonization have caused
among the European nations?
2.
Synthesizing. How did
trade become more global in the 1600s and 1700s?
History Through the Arts:
Japanese Popular Culture Under the
Tokugawa
In
the cities of Tokugawa Japan, the samurai transformed themselves
from country warriors to bureaucrats schooled in the Confucian
classics. Merchants, though officially the despised lowest class,
wielded increasing power by selling goods throughout the country and
lending money to the samurai. The growth of cities and the
increasing wealth of merchants and artisans led to the rise of a
thriving popular culture.
By the early 1700s, new forms of literature, theater, and art
catered to the tastes of ordinary city residents. Publishing houses
flourished as literacy became widespread, even for the lower
classes. Readers enjoyed illustrated how-to books, travel books, and
realistic romances with commoners as heroes.
City dwellers flocked to Kabuki plays and puppet shows. The
earliest kabuki were
plays that featured women performing lively new dances. The
conservative Tokugawa disliked such spectacles, agreeing with one
Confucian scholar's complaints:
“The men wear women's clothing; the women wear men's
clothing, cut their hair, and wear a man's topknot, have swords at
their sides, and carry purses. They sing base songs and dance vulgar
dances; their lewd voices are clamorous.”[lxxxvii]
The
government banned women from performing in kabuki plays in 1629.
Thereafter male actors played women's roles in melodramatic plays
about heroic samurai and tragic love affairs.
Through Others' Eyes
First
Impressions
When the Spanish first began arriving on the shores of
Mexico, the Native Americans probably observed with amazement the
strange-looking creatures who bore little resemblance to any people
the Mexicans had ever seen. From their ships and horses to their
outward appearances, attempts were made to describe these strange
visitors. An Aztec scout watched from the shore as the Spaniards
fished from a small boat. The scout returned to his Aztec ruler with
this report:
"[T]hey
. . . then entered a small canoe and reached the two enormous towers
[the Spanish ships] and climbed inside; there must have been about
fifteen of them, with a kind of coloured jackets, some blue, some
brown and some green and some of a dirty colour, . . . Some had a
pinkish hue, and on their heads they had coloured pieces of cloth:
these were scarlet caps, some very large and round like small maize
cakes, which must have served as protection against the sun. Their
flesh was very white, much more than ours, except that all wore a
long beard and hair to their ears."[lxxxviii]
[i]Stanford J. Shaw, History
of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. I, p. 97.
[iii] Jack Beeching, The
Galleys at Lepanto, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1982,
p. 209.
[iv] Bernard Lewis, The
Muslim Discovery of Europe. W.W. Norton & Company. New
York and London, 1982. pp. 43-44.
[v] Shaw, p. 180 and 188.
[vi] Thomas M. Barker, Double
Eagle and Crescent; Vienna's Second Turkish Siege and its
Historical Setting. State University of New York Press,
Albany, New York, 1967. p. 245.
[vii] Bernard Lewis, The
Muslim Discovery of Europe. W.W. Norton & Company. New
York and London, 1982. pp. 41-42.
[ix] Bailey W. Diffie and
George D. Winius, Foundations
of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. University of Minnesota
Press, Minneapolis, 1977, p. 181.
[x] Bailey W. Diffie and George
D. Winius, Foundations of
the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. University of Minnesota
Press, Minneapolis, 1977, p. 227-228.
[xi] Bailey W. Diffie and
George D. Winius, Foundations
of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. University of Minnesota
Press, Minneapolis, 1977, p. 254.
[xii]Bailey W. Diffie and
George D. Winius, Foundations
of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. University of Minnesota
Press, Minneapolis, 1977, pp. 257-258.
[xiii] Try to use the following
as photo caption: Anxious to maintain a monopoly over the
eastern trade, the Portuguese allowed only king's ships to trade
with the Estado da India,
as they called their Asian empire. Royal merchantmen,
accompanied by armed escorts, carried black pepper, cinnamon,
ginger, cloves, nutmeg, and mace to Lisbon. Though expensive in
lives and resources, the spice trade yielded handsome
profits—for example, it provided 39 percent of the Crown's
income in 1518.Lyle N. McAlister, Spain
and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. University of
Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1984, p. 252.
[xiv]C.R. Boxer, Portuguese
Society in the Tropics; The Municipal Councils of Goa, Macao,
Bahia, and Luanda, 1510-1800. The University of Wisconsin
Press, Madison and Milwaukee, 1965, p. 42; Bailey W. Diffie and
George D. Winius, Foundations
of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. University of Minnesota
Press, Minneapolis, 1977, p. 396.
[xv] C.R. Boxer, Portuguese
Society in the Tropics; The Municipal Councils of Goa, Macao,
Bahia, and Luanda, 1510-1800. The University of Wisconsin
Press, Madison and Milwaukee, 1965, p. 53.
[xvi] Stanley Lane-Poole, Medieval
India Under Mohammedan Rule, p. 416-417.
[xvii] Hermann Kulke and
Dietmar Rothermund, A
History of India, Barnes & Noble Books, Totowa, New
Jersey, 1986, p. 225.
[xviii] Jonathan D. Spence, The
Search for Modern China, W.W. Norton & Company, New York
and London, 1990, p. 67, notes that Kangxi was 42 in 1696, but
otherwise I could not find a firm year of birth. Grollier's
on-line Encyclopedia (available through UTCAT) confirms: b. May
4, 1654, d. Dec. 20, 1722.
[xix] Jonathan D. Spence, Emperor
of China; Self-Portrait of K'ang-Hsi, Vintage Books, Random
House, New York, 1988, p. xi, notes that Kangxi began his reign
in 1661. However, on pp. 107-108, Kangxi says he was eight when
he put on mourning for his father (I assume he became emperor
around this time) ??
[xx] Jonathan D. Spence, Emperor
of China; Self-Portrait of K'ang-Hsi, Vintage Books, Random
House, New York, 1988, p. 8. I am using the pinyin version of
the emperor's name (Kangxi) instead of the Wade-Giles.
[xxi] Jonathan D. Spence, The
Search for Modern China, W.W. Norton & Company, New York
and London, 1990, pp. 67-68.
[xxii] Jonathan D. Spence, The
Search for Modern China, W.W. Norton & Company, New York
and London, 1990, pp. 71-72.
[xxiii]Add Anno comparing this
process with what was going on in Europe.
[xxiv]Wetterau, World
History, p. 271.
[xxv] Miguel Leon-Portilla
(ed.), The Broken Spears;
The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press,
Boston, 1962, p. 41.
[xxvi]Jon Manchip White, Cortes
and the Downfall of the Aztec Empire, p. 217.
[xxvii] Miguel Leon-Portilla
(ed.), The Broken Spears;
The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press,
Boston, 1962, p. 77.
[xxviii] Miguel Leon-Portilla
(ed.), The Broken Spears;
The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press,
Boston, 1962, p. 84.
[xxix] Miguel Leon-Portilla
(ed.), The Broken Spears;
The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press,
Boston, 1962, p. 85.
[xxx] Miguel Leon-Portilla
(ed.), The Broken Spears;
The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press,
Boston, 1962, p. 99.
[xxxi] Miguel Leon-Portilla
(ed.), The Broken Spears;
The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press,
Boston, 1962, p. 109.
[xxxii] Miguel Leon-Portilla
(ed.), The Broken Spears;
The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press,
Boston, 1962, p. 149.
[xxxiii]Hernan Cortes, Letters
From Mexico, transl. and ed. by Anthony Pagden, pp. 106-107.
[xxxiv]Coe, Snow, and Benson, Atlas
of Ancient America, p. 150.
[xxxv] John H. Parry and Robert
G. Keith (eds.), New
Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and
Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century, Volume
IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York,
1984, p. 46; and Mark A. Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson, Colonial
Latin America, Oxford University Press, New York, 1990, p.
44.
[xxxvi] John H. Parry and
Robert G. Keith (eds.), New
Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and
Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century, Volume
IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York,
1984, p. 46.
[xxxvii] This needs to be
verified. John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith (eds.), New
Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and
Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century, Volume
IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York,
1984, p. 47, states that Atahualpa was captured in November
1533. Mark A. Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson, Colonial
Latin America, Oxford University Press, New York, 1990, p.
45, states November 1532. Benjamin Keen and Mark Wasserman
(eds.), A History of Latin
America (Third Edition), Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston,
1988, pp. 68, notes that Cuzco was captured in November 1533
after Atahualpa's death. 1532 seems more reasonable, given date
of Spanish departure and that Atahualpa was held hostage for
many months before he was killed.
[xxxviii] Mark A. Burkholder
and Lyman L. Johnson, Colonial
Latin America, Oxford University Press, New York, 1990, p.
46.
[xxxix] John H. Parry and
Robert G. Keith (eds.), New
Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and
Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century, Volume
IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York,
1984, p. 84.
[xl] John H. Parry and Robert
G. Keith (eds.), New
Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and
Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century, Volume
IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York,
1984, p. 138.
[xli] Lyle N. McAlister, Spain
and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. University of
Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1984, p. 267.
[xlii] Lyle N. McAlister, Spain
and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. University of
Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1984, p. 282. William McNeill,
Plagues and Peoples, p. 180 (Diana Walker’s volume).
[xliii]Coe, Snow, and Benson,
p. 23.
[xliv] Marvin Lunenfeld, 1492:
Discovery, Invasion, Encounter: Sources and Interpretations.
D.C. Heath and Company, Lexington, Massachusetts, 1991, pp.
304-305.
[xlv] Lyle N. McAlister, Spain
and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. University of
Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1984, p. 271.
[xlvi] Ted Morgan, Wilderness
at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent, Simon
& Schuster, New York, p. 66.
[xlvii] Oliver A. Rink, Holland
on the Hudson; An Economic and Social History of Dutch New York,
Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1986, p. 28.
[xlviii] Henri and Barbara van
der Zee, A Sweet and Alien
Land; The Story of Dutch New York, The Viking Press, New
York, 1978, p. 8.
[xlix] Henri and Barbara van
der Zee, A Sweet and Alien
Land; The Story of Dutch New York, The Viking Press, New
York, 1978, pp. 10-11; Ted Morgan, Wilderness
at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent, Simon
& Schuster, New York, p. 153; Oliver A. Rink, Holland
on the Hudson; An Economic and Social History of Dutch New York,
Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1986, p. 70.
[l] Ted Morgan, Wilderness
at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent, Simon
& Schuster, New York, p. 299.
[li] Gary B. Nash, Red,
White and Black; The People of Early North America, Prentice
Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1992, pp. 107-108.
[lii] Ted Morgan, Wilderness
at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent, Simon
& Schuster, New York, p. 116.
[liii]GET ART SHOWING VIRGINIA
TOBACCO FARMING, WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON THE FACT THAT NATIVE
AMERICANS HAD TAUGHT IT TO THE SETTLERS.
[liv] Gary B. Nash, Red,
White and Black; The People of Early North America, Prentice
Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1992, p. 50.
[lv] Ted Morgan, Wilderness
at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent, Simon
& Schuster, New York, p. 124.
[lvi]Who
Built America? volume I, pp. 71-72.
[lvii] Selma R. Williams, Divine
Rebel; The Life of Anne Marbury Hutchinson, Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, New York, 1981, p. 76.
[lviii] Selma R. Williams, Divine
Rebel; The Life of Anne Marbury Hutchinson, Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, New York, 1981, p. 116.
[lix] Selma R. Williams, Divine
Rebel; The Life of Anne Marbury Hutchinson, Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, New York, 1981, p. 149.
[lx] Selma R. Williams, Divine
Rebel; The Life of Anne Marbury Hutchinson, Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, New York, 1981, p. 161.
[lxi] Ted Morgan, Wilderness
at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent, Simon
& Schuster, New York, p. 104.
[lxii]Atlas
of the North American Indian, pp.74-75.
[lxiii]Jordan, Conquering
a Continent, p. 15
[lxiv]Atlantic slave trade
versus trans-Atlantic slave trade: we use Atlantic slave trade
as used by Curtin.
[lxv] For material on Oyo: B.A.
Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 440ff; and from Basil
Davidson, Africa in
History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan
Publishing Company, New York, 1974, p. 151ff.
[lxvi] B.A. Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, pp. 400-433 for all
material on the Akan.
[lxvii] B.A. Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 407.
[lxviii] B.A. Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 425.
[lxix] Paul Edwards (ed.), Equiano's
Travels; His Autobiography, The Interesting Narrative of the
Life of Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa the African,
Frederick A. Praeger, New York, 1966, p. 9.
[lxx] For material on Kongo:
B.A. Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 547ff; and from Basil
Davidson, Africa in
History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan
Publishing Company, New York, 1974, pp. 135-136.
[lxxi] Basil Davidson, Africa
in History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan
Publishing Company, New York, 1974, p. 136.
[lxxii] Paul Boyer, Todd
and Curti's The American Nation, HRW, Austin, 1995, p. 42!!!
[lxxiii] For material on
Zimbabwe: B.A. Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 647ff.
[lxxiv] For material on Omanis:
B.A. Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 767ff; and from Basil
Davidson, Africa in
History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan
Publishing Company, New York, 1974, p. 170.
[lxxv] For material on South
Africa: B.A. Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 683ff; and from Basil
Davidson, Africa in
History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan
Publishing Company, New York, 1974, pp. 170ff.
[lxxvi] Basil Davidson, Africa
in History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan
Publishing Company, New York, 1974, p. 182.
[lxxvii]Meltzer, Slavery, vol.
II, pp. 51-53.
[lxxviii] Herbert S. Klein, African
Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean, Oxford
University Press, New York, 1986, 145-146. Klein notes that
recent research has exploded the myth of triangular trade,
mainly on the grounds that the majority of the trade went from
Africa to the Americas without any side trips to Europe. See
also the Atlantic commerce map in B.A. Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 77--I don't see any
triangles!
[lxxix] Elizabeth Donnan, Documents
Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America,
Volume II, The 18th Century, Octagon books, New York, 1969,
p. 15.
[lxxx] Elizabeth Donnan, Documents
Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America,
Volume II, The 18th Century, Octagon books, New York, 1969,
p. 460.
[lxxxi] Curtin, The
Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, pp. 265-268. Bob -
Curtin’s figures seem fairly conservative. The following
reference cites 11-15 million. Can we verify in a
reliable third source, since Curtin’s study is from 1969? B.A.
Ogot (ed.), General
History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann
International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 82.
[lxxxii] Benjamin Keen and Mark
Wasserman (eds.), A
History of Latin America (Third Edition), Houghton Mifflin
Company, Boston, 1988, pp. 111-112.
[lxxxiii] Michael L. Conniff
and Thomas J. Davis, Africans
in the Americas; A History of the Black Diaspora, St.
Martin's Press, New York, 1994, p. 101.
[lxxxiv] Michael L. Conniff and
Thomas J. Davis, Africans
in the Americas; A History of the Black Diaspora, St.
Martin's Press, New York, 1994, p. 57.
[lxxxv] Cyril Hamshere, The
British in the Caribbean, Harvard University Press,
Cambridge, Massachusetts, 19722, pp. 140-141.
[lxxxvi] Joseph E. Harris, Global
Dimensions of the African Diaspora, Howard University Press,
Washington, D.C., 1993, pp. 100-103.
[lxxxvii] John Whitney Hall
(ed.), The Cambridge
History of Japan, Volume 4: Early Modern Japan, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, 1991, p. 750.
[lxxxviii]Nigel Davies, The
Aztecs (Norman, Okla.:
The University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 239.
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