Chapter 1 Before Civilization
Section 3 Later Paleolithic Methods of Adaptation
As people spread into new
areas during the Paleolithic Era, they gradually changed their methods of
survival to suit new local conditions. In part such adaptations were responses
to changing climate. Around 30,000 B.C., for example, the retreat of glacial ice
caused a warming of the environment in northwestern Europe. The grasslands that
had provided grazing for mammoths, bison, and reindeer, on which early hunting
bands in this region had come to depend, gave way to forested regions more
suited to smaller deer and cattle. Humans had to change their approaches to both
hunting and gathering in this new environment in order to survive.
Some probably adapted to forest life, or found other ways of getting food. Where early humans lived near lakes, rivers and seas, for example, they often turned from hunting to fishing as the primary source of food. Along the coast of northwestern Europe, there is evidence of such fishing peoples, mostly in the great piles of rubbish they left behind. These early garbage heaps, mostly composed of fish bones and the remains of shellfish, also show the kinds of inventions that made such an adaptation possible: boats, nets, and fish hooks made of bone. Other hunters and gatherers, however, continued to follow the great herds of game on which they depended, moving north and east after the retreating ice.
Peopling
the Americas. It
may well have been the pursuit of the large game animals that brought the first
humans into the Americas from Asia
sometime between 50,000 and
14,000 years ago. For most of the last Ice Age, so much of the world's water was
locked up in great ice sheets that ocean levels were much lower and a region
known as Beringia connected North America and northeastern Asia. The earliest
migrants were probably following herds of woolly mammoths, steppe bison, wild horses, and
caribou that they depended on for meat across Beringia and into North America.
In addition to hunting, these Paleo-Indians, as scholars call them, lived by fishing and gathering wild plants.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/52/Beringia_land_bridge-noaagov.gif/320px-Beringia_land_bridge-noaagov.gif
Regardless
of when or how the first migratory groups entered North America, many of the
Paleo-Indian groups continued to move south and east, perhaps to escape the
harshness of the arctic climate. At any rate, by 9000 B.C. and possibly much earlier, humans
had spread throughout the Americas. According to an American Indian creation
myth:
"For a long time everyone spoke the
same language, but suddenly people began to speak in different tongues. Kulsu
{the Creator], however, could speak all languages, so he called his people
together and told them the names of the animals in their own language, taught
them to get food, and gave them their laws and rituals. Then he sent each tribe
to a different place to live."
When
the last Ice Age ended around 12,000 B.C., the climate became warmer and caused a great
many environmental changes. Some scholars believe that these changes led to
the rapid extinction of many of the animals on which Ice Age hunters had
depended. To survive, Paleo-Indians gathered more plants, caught more fish, and
hunted smaller animals.
Beginnings of sedentary lifestyles. Whatever means they adopted to maintain themselves, most of these early human groups remained essentially nomadic. Although they might camp for a while in a single place, usually near an available water source, eventually they would exhaust the food supplies in the surrounding territory. Then they must move to find better hunting. Such an existence suggests two things. First, their groups must have remained rather small, probably between 20 and 30 members. Any more mouths to feed would have strained the abilities of even the best hunters. And second, even these small bands would have needed the resources of fairly large areas to support themselves. In some places, however, evidence has been found that shows a rather different pattern.
In central Russia, for example, herds of wooly mammoths were
so abundant and apparently so slow moving some 20,000 years ago that Paleolithic
hunters were able to settle down in the same place for most of the year. Feeding
off the mammoths as well as gathering wild plant foods, these people developed a
relatively sedentary, or stationary,
way of life that lasted from about 18,000 to 10,000 B.C. Using the enormous bones of the mammoths themselves, the Mammoth-bone
people, as they are known, constructed sturdy huts and storage pits.
Archeological evidence even suggests that they were in regular trade relations
with communities some 500 miles further south along the edge of the Black Sea.
The communities eventually disappeared, probably because the mammoth herds on
which they depended either moved away or were hunted to extinction. As far as we
can tell, the people abandoned their settlements and went back to a nomadic
existence of Hunting and Gathering.
Reconstructed Mammoth
A similar pattern developed
in the area covered by modern-day Israel, Jordan and Lebanon, but based more on
gathering than on hunting - and with dramatically different results thanks to
new challenges from the environment. Climatic changes around 12,000 B.C., as the
world experienced a warming, drying period, apparently
allowed the rapid spread of wild varieties of barley and wheat plants over this
region for the next thousand years. Hunters and Gatherers soon settled in the
area, eventually coming to depend primarily upon gathering these wild grains,
supplementing them with the meat of local varieties of game, as well as nuts and
other foodstuffs abundant in the region. So rich were the pickings that between about 10,500 B.C. and 8,000 B.C. a
new type of human adaptation, the so-called Natufian culture, had emerged in
large permanent settlements of round and oval stone huts. The people who lived
in them had learned to store the wild grain they gathered. Using large stone
slabs, they ground it up in order to prepare it as food, perhaps making it into
bread or some kind of porridge. Like the mammoth-bone culture, these settlements
also got quite large, much larger than the old hunting and gathering bands.
Human Societies Become More Complex. The emergence of both the Mammoth-bone and
Natufian cultures marks a major change in the way earlier human groups had
related to their environments. It is a change directly related to the whole
process of cultural adaptation.
Earlier hunting and gathering communities had been small because if they
got too large they could not gather or hunt enough food to sustain all their
members. In other words, they lived in a kind of balance, or equilibrium, with their
environment. Since they were always on the move, following their food supply,
they had no means of storing food. The use of fire, of course, probably made it
possible for them to preserve meats, but so long as they were moving they could
only carry relatively small amounts.
Once people began to settle,
however, they could begin to save food for future use. This meant that even if
the herds moved away temporarily, the people would not starve immediately. In
other words, instead of living from hand to mouth, people could provide
themselves with a cushion against hard times. In addition, with stored food
available, the numbers of the group could grow without causing hardship.
Equilibrium with the environment could be re-established at a higher level of
population. Larger groups in turn began to transform the whole nature of how
individual human beings related to one another.
As we have seen, the earlier
hunting and gathering bands were probably fairly egalitarian. Everyone
contributed to the welfare of the group, in order to insure their own individual
welfare. Although some specialization occurred, mostly as a result of the
growing importance of hunting, social relations remained fairly equal. Private
possessions were probably not very important, because people were always on the
move.
On the other hand, the
beginnings of social differences between individuals existed even within these
Hunting and Gathering groups. The best hunter might command the best portions of
his kill. The oldest members of a band probably commanded respect simply because
of the skill it had taken to survive so long. "Cleverness" was clearly
a valuable quality among such people, if the myths and stories of present-day
Hunters and Gatherers are any guide, and clever people must have been admired
and respected - though perhaps not yet envied.
As groups settled down and became larger, however, the ties of kinship
also became looser. Although people were still related, the distance of the
relationship increased over several generations. How many of us today, for
example, feel as strongly about our distant cousins as we do about our mothers
and fathers? In fact, most of us probably have relations we don't even know
about. As groups became larger, then, the social relationships probably became
less easy, more complex.
Private
property and social stratification. Whereas nomadic groups had
lived essentially in common, settling down allowed individuals and their
immediate families to have some privacy. As the settlements grew over time, the
relationships among members of different immediate family groups must have
become less natural and more formal. With their own stationary space,
individuals and family groups were also able to accumulate more possessions,
possessions that they identified as peculiarly their own, in other words,
personal or
private
property. Cooperation within the larger group continued, of course, but
a new sense of identity had begun to emerge, both for individuals and their
immediate family members.
Settling down probably also
involved yet another increase in the process of specialization,
in which individuals develop a few skills very well, rather than mastering a
large variety of general skills. These new skills, practiced in people's new
private spaces, probably reinforced the differences among individuals rather
than their sameness. A hunter, for instance, might ask a good stone toolmaker to
make weapons for him in exchange for part of his kill or for doing some other
task that would free the toolmaker's time for making the tools. This kind of
exchange of goods and services is called a barter
system. As people began to accumulate such possessions, some must have
gathered more than others, based upon their natural abilities, and the value
people placed upon what they produced.
Gradually, people began to
make distinctions about the relative value of such things. Those who produced
the most valuable items essential to survival, whether physical objects or
special knowledge, would have been held in higher regard by their fellows. Such
regard could be accumulated too and is generally called status.
As differences of status appeared within the group, social
stratification, or grading, had begun. In both the mammoth-bone
settlements and in the Natufian culture there is clear evidence of such
stratification: some people had bigger homes, and more possessions, both tools
and ornaments.
Social stratification did
not necessarily mean that some people began to make decisions for the whole
group, while the rest simply obeyed. On the other hand, as it became gradually
clear that some people were better providers for themselves and their families
than others, their fellows probably consulted them on how to do things. Just as
there had probably been particularly clever leaders in hunting bands, so now
clever leaders may have emerged within the new settled communities. Recognition
of leadership, however, would probably still have been by consensus, that is
with agreement among all the adult community members. Not until it was a matter
of survival, probably, would people agree to give any more control over their
lives into the hands of any single person or group of people. When they did, it
marked the emergence of a new elite,
that is a group of people who coordinated, guided, or even dictated the affairs of the larger community.
If any single factor
contributed to the emergence of new elite leaders within the group it was
probably age. Respect for age certainly seems to have been a part of these early
settlements, as it still is among hunting and gathering peoples today. For age
means experience, and is the clearest proof of one's successful ability to
survive. Moreover, it was the elderly who carried within them the fullest memory
of the group, how it had developed through time, and most importantly of all -
the skills and techniques that had allowed it to survive. In an era before
people had developed writing, all the skills and tricks of living could only be
passed down from the older to the younger generations by word of mouth through
stories. Combined with age, however, would have been respect for those who
contributed most to the group's survival through the provision of food, water,
shelter and security. In hunting and gathering bands, for example, the most
successful hunters would have had greater prestige than their less successful
colleagues. And skills on the hunting trail would have translated naturally into
war skills if the group ever found itself under attack from competing outside
groups.
Once social stratification had begun, and possessions as well as
knowledge began to pass down from generation to generation, it was important to
establish just who should get the inheritance. This meant that people had to
know how they and their immediate families stood in relation to others. In
short, another level of identity had to be formally established. In fact, the
evidence from early settlements like the mammoth-bone and Natufian cultures
suggests that the first social organizations revolved not around men but around
women. The Natufian settlements, for example, were almost certainly matrilineal, that is they
traced one's family and inheritance in the female line, as well as matrilocal,
which means that a married man went to live with his wife's family. The most
obvious explanation for this arrangement is that people still did not understand
where children came from! (Even if they did, they may not have been absolutely
certain who a child's father was, whereas the mother was beyond dispute.)
However, such social organization may also have reflected a growing
dependence upon the wild grains gathered primarily by the women. In some
cultures, this pattern led to the emergence of a female-led elite, or matriarchy,
in which the women of the group made the major decisions affecting the
community. In others, particularly where hunting remained a predominant source
of food, even if inheritance was determined through the female line, the eldest
men, who had proven themselves on the hunting trail, generally made community
decisions. Such an arrangement is called a patriarchy.
As people settled down more and more, developing new sedentary techniques of
survival, these various forms of social organization became more firmly
entrenched.
But what did all this social
development mean for the ordinary person? In essence, it meant that people were
developing new senses of identity for themselves. Instead of being equal members
of a small family group, all of whom did essentially the same things, now they
were also neighbors of other family groups. They were identifiable based upon
their special talents, whether in making useful objects or in knowing things
that others did not. In other words, as the group activities became more complex
and individuals became more specialized in their knowledge and skills,
individual identities became more unique.
Increasingly, people identified themselves as individuals, and their
relationships with others in the group, and with the group as a whole, became
ever more complex. A new stage in the development of human consciousness had
been reached. And as people began to adjust their relationships with each other,
they also began to consider their position in the world as a whole, their
relationship with the environment, with Nature and the forces or spirits that
ruled it. Not only did their new identities exist in the realm of Humanity, they
existed in the Cosmos.
As with other aspects of early
Humanity, we do not know a great deal about the early religious life of human
beings. Once again, we must guess on the basis of very little evidence. For the
early Paleolithic period, from about 800,000 to about 80,000 years ago, there is
little or no evidence suggesting any kind of spiritual beliefs. During this
period, bands of humans were entirely nomadic and seem simply to have left their
dead wherever they fell. By the Middle Paleolithic era, however, around 60,000
B.C., things had begun to change. In Europe and the Middle East human beings had
begun to bury their dead in the ground.
It is possible that early
humans buried their dead simply to get rid of the stench of decay. This does not
explain, however, the care with which such remains were obviously treated. In
addition to arranging the bodies, people also left artifacts for the dead.
Whether the burial of individual objects such as tools and items of decoration,
even bits of food, was meant as a symbolic gesture, or reflected instead a
belief that the dead would be able to use such items in some afterlife, we
simply do not know. In some areas, however, such as on the Iranian plateau, the
bodies were always faced in the same direction—east, towards the rising sun.
Clearly, Paleolithic humans had begun to wonder about the implications of death. Perhaps they hoped that just as the sun rose again every day, so too the dead would also rise again. By the later Paleolithic era, there is considerable evidence that some people had begun to think in terms of some kind of spiritual existence. Small figurines and rock carvings of women, clearly pregnant, have been found in sites from France to the Middle East. They seem to have been fertility images, designed perhaps to help women become pregnant. Or they may be representations of a Mother Goddess. In September 2008, in southwestern Germany, researchers from the University of Tübingen discovered the oldest such figure yet found, the so-called Venus of Hohle Fels, which was made between 35,000 and 40,000 years ago.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/92/Venus-of-Schelklingen.jpg/330px-Venus-of-Schelklingen.jpg. http://www.nature.com/nature/videoarchive/prehistoricpinup/
Some scholars believe the creation of the figures was an effort to affect
the real world, much as practitioners of some modern Caribbean religions try to
harm their enemies by creating doll-like images of them, and then burning the
images in the belief that the real person may be affected. This practice is
called sympathetic magic, because the
ritual process is supposed to create a bond or sympathy between the image and
the real object.
Sometime after the appearance of the female figurines, another form of
Paleolithic art developed that seems to support the interpretation of
sympathetic magic. In great caves at Lascaux in southern France, and at Altamira
in northern Spain, we have found magnificent paintings of the animals human
beings hunted over twenty thousand years. These wall paintings remain vibrant
testimony not only of early humanity's artistic skills, but also perhaps of the
beginnings of their spiritual life. Similar paintings have been found from the
Pyrenees Mountains of Spain to the Ural Mountains in Russia, to the caves and
rock outcroppings of southern Australia.
Although we do not know for certain why hunting and gathering people
created these paintings, both their locations and their subject matter are
suggestive. We might expect paintings done for simple pleasure to be displayed
where people could see them, near the cave entrances where there was sufficient
sunlight to see them. Many of these early murals, however, are located far back
in the depths of the caverns, where observers must crouch low between the
sloping roofs and the rocky floors; where daylight never penetrates, and only
the flickering light of torches brings them eerily to view.
Perhaps these dark recesses in the earth were more suited to the deeper
purpose of the painters. Even the modern-day observer gets a prickly sensation,
the hair rising on the back of the neck, looking at the careful renditions of
great herds of animals, hunters and their prey, almost ghostly apparitions of
human faces and hands blending in and out of the shadows. Surely these are
ritual paintings, in which the hunters who made them are invoking the spirits of
the hunted? Tying picture to reality, these early artists may have believed that they
were summoning the creatures upon which they depended for their survival simply
by painting them as realistically as possible, here in the bowels of the earth.
And those spears, thrust so elegantly into the sides of the bison, surely they
were intended to depict, and so to insure, victory in the hunt? Or perhaps this is all too
fanciful a notion, and these are simply records of the hunt; or images painted
on stone to instruct or initiate boys in the arts of the hunt. They might even
be stories of the creation of the world with its animals and its human beings:
the first recorded myths. Crouching in front of them, with the darkness thrust
back only for a moment by our flashlights, we can only speculate.
By the time human beings had
begun to settle down, however, new concerns began to shape their views of the
world around them. The growing influence of women, especially in establishing
the boundaries of the family, was reinforced by an increasing dependence upon
the grains they collected. Fertility, which had always had a practical
importance, since it kept the group alive, also had a powerful hold over the
human imagination.
In an era when the cause of birth was not known, women must have seemed
like magical creatures. At the same time, the birth process was a natural one;
it could be observed all around. Women then were simply a part of the great
mystery of life as it existed in Nature. People who believed in a world of
spirits that animated everything, from the wind moving the branches of trees to
the rock on the hillside that suddenly fell for no apparent reason, must have
viewed childbirth as a similar process.
To such people, women clearly had power over the unseen spirit world.
They could summon spirits into their own bodies and make new human beings. So
the reasoning must have gone. It is little wonder that the early religious
impulses of humanity revolved around these two poles: the spirits of the natural
world, and the mystery of a Mother Goddess. It would take yet another turn of
the cultural evolutionary clock to bring further developments in the human
religious imagination.